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Letters of George Washington Bearing on the Negro

In bringing together here the important expressions of George Washington reflecting his attitude toward the Negro, no claim to the discovery of something new is made. Our aim is rather to publish these extracts in succinct form for the convenience of those who may be interested in this field. While it is to be regretted that we have not here a large collection of such materials, these are adequate to give one a better conception of what Washington thought about the Negro than can be usually obtained from secondary works.

Complying with the custom of transporting troublesome blacks to the West Indies,[513] Washington addressed Captain John Thompson the following July 2, 1766:

"Sir:

"With this letter comes a Negro (Tom), which I beg the favour of you to sell, in any of the Islands you may go to, for whatever he will fetch and bring me in return for him.

"One hhd of best molasses
One ditto of best rum
One barrell of lymes if good and cheap
One pot of tamarinds containing about 10 Ibs.
Two small ditto of mixed sweetmeats about 5 lbs. each.

"And the residue, much or little, in good old spirits. That this fellow is both a rogue and a runaway (tho' he was by no means remarkable for the former, and never practiced the latter till of late) I shall not pretend to deny—But he is exceeding healthy, strong, and good at the hoe the whole neighbourhood can testifie and particularly M. Johnson and his son, who have both had him under them as foreman of the gang; which gives me reason to hope[Pg 412] he may, with your good management, sell well, if kept clean and trim'd up a little when offered for sale.

"I shall cherfully allow you the customary commissions on this affair, and must beg the favour of you (least he shoud attempt his escape) to keep him handcuffd till you get to sea—or in the bay—after which I doubt not but you may make him very useful to you.

"I wish you a pleasant and prosperous passage, and a safe and speedy return, being Sir

"Y^r Yery H^ble. Serv^t.

"G^o. WASHINGTON."[514]

The question as to whether Washington wanted Negroes in the army has often been raised. Addressing a Committee of Congress January 28, 1778, Washington said in part:

"Gentlemen,

"The difficulty of getting waggoners and the enormous wages given them would tempt one to try any expedient to answer the end of easier and cheaper terms. Among others it has occurred to me whether it would not be eligible to hire negroes in Carolina, Virginia and Maryland for the purpose. They ought however to be freemen, for slaves could not be sufficiently depended on. It is to be apprehended they would too frequently desert to the enemy to obtain their liberty, and for the profit of it, or to conciliate a more favorable reception would carry off their wagon horses with them."[515]

The student finds it difficult to determine exactly what was Washington's attitude toward the enlistment of Negro soldiers. When that question was extensively agitated Laurens wrote Washington:

"Had we arms for three thousand such black men as I could select in Carolina, I should have no doubt of success in driving the British out of Georgia, and subduing East Florida before the end of July."

To this Washington replied:

[Pg 413]

"The policy of our arming slaves is in my opinion a moot point, unless the enemy set the example. For, should we begin to form Battalions of them, I have not the smallest doubt, if the war is to be prosecuted, of their following us in it, and justifying the measure upon our own ground. The contest then must be who can arm fastest, and where are our arms? Besides I am not clear that a discrimination will not render slavery more irksome to those who remain in it. Most of the good and evil things in this life are judged by comparison; and I fear a comparison in this case will be productive of much discontent in those, who are held in servitude. But, as this is a subject that has never employed much of my thoughts, these are no more than the first crude Ideas that have struck me upon ye occasion."[516]

Writing to Lieutenant Colonel John Laurens, July 10, 1782, concerning his plan to arm Negroes to defend the South, he said:

"My Dear Sir:

"The last post brought me your letter of the 19th of May. I must confess that I am not at all astonished at the failure of your plan. That spirit of freedom, which at the commencement of this contest would have gladly sacrificed every thing to the attainment of its object, has long since subsided, and every selfish passion has taken its place. It is not the public but private interest, which influences the generality of mankind, nor can the Americans any longer boast an exception. Under these circumstances, it would rather have been surprising if you had succeeded nor will you I fear succeed better in Georgia."[517]

From his headquarters October 24, 1781, Washington wrote David Ross the following concerning Negroes who had been recaptured during the Revolutionary War:

"Sir:

"In answer to your Queries of Yesterday, the Negroes that have been retaken, from whatever State, whose owners do not appear, should all be treated in the same manner, and sent into the Country to work for their Victuals and Cloathes, and advertised in the States they came from. Those from N. York, are most probably the property of Inhabitants of that State and N. Jersey, and should[Pg 414] be there Advertised. If any officers, knowing who the owners are, will undertake to send them home, they may be delivered to them. The other steps taken by you, are proper and Expedient. The Negroes may be furnished with two days' Provisions to carry them to Williamsburg, where there is a State Commissary.

"I am etc.,"[518]

In a letter to Colonel Bland in 1783 Washington took up one of the important questions arising at the close of the Revolution. This was the return of the slaves carried off by the British:

"Sir,

"Head Quarters 31st March, 1783.

"The Article in the provisional Treaty respecting Negroes, which you mention to Sir Guy Carleton, had escaped my Notice, but upon a recurrence to the Treaty, I find it as you have stated. I have therefore tho't it may not be amiss to send in your Letter to Sir Guy, and have accordingly done it.

"Altho I have Servants in like predicament with yours, I have not yet made any attempt for their recovery.

"Sir Guy Carleton's reply to you will decide upon the propriety or expediency of any pursuit to obtain them. If that reply should not be transmitted thro my Hands, I will thank you for a Communication of it.

"With much Regard, I am &c."[519]

Writing to Sir Guy Carleton about the same question on May 6, 1783, Washington said:

"Respecting the other point of discussion, in addition to what I mentioned in my communication of the 21st ultimo, I took occasion in our conference to inform your Excellency, that, in consequence of your letter of the 14th of April to Robert R. Livingston, Esquire, Congress had been pleased to make a further reference to me of that letter, and had directed me to take such measures as should be found necessary for carrying into effect the several matters mentioned by you therein.[520] In the course of our conversation[Pg 415] on this point, I was surprised to hear you mention, that an embarkation had already taken place, in which a large number of negroes had been carried away. Whether this conduct is, consonant to, or how far it may be deemed an infraction of the treaty, is not for me to decide. I cannot, however, conceal from you, that my private opinion is, that the measure is totally different from the letter and spirit of the treaty. But, waving the discussion of the point, and leaving its decision to our respective sovereigns, I find it my duty to signify my readiness, in conjunction with your Excellency, to enter into any agreement, or to take any measures, which may be deemed expedient, to prevent the future carrying away of any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants. I beg the favor of your Excellency's reply, and have the honor to be, &c."[521]

In the substance of the conference between Gen. Washington and Sir Guy Carleton, at an interview at Orangetown, 6th May, 1783, one gets a still better idea of the attitude of Washington on this question:

"General Washington opened the Conference by observing that he heretofore had transmitted to Sir Guy Carleton the resolutions of Congress of the 15th ulto, that he conceived a personal Conference would be the most speedy & satisfactory mode of discussing and settling the Business; and that therefore he had requested[Pg 416] the Interview—That the resolutions of Congress related to three distinct matters, namely, the setting at Liberty the prisoners, the receiving possession of the posts occupied by the British Troops, and the obtaing. the Delivery of all Negroes & other property of the Inhabitants of these States in the possession of the Forces or subjects of, or adherents to his Britannic Majesty.—That with respect to the Liberation of the prisoners, he had, as far as the Business rested with him, put it in Train, by meetg. & conferring with the Secretary of War, & concertg. with him the proper measures for collecting prisoners & forwarding them to N. York, and that it was to be optional with Sir Guy, whether the prisoners should march by land, or whether he would send Transports to convey them by Water—and that the Secty. of War was to communicate with Sir Guy Carleton on the subject & obtain his Determination.

"With respect to the other two Matters which were the Objects of the Resolutions, General Washington requested the Sentiments of General Carleton.

"Sir: Guy then observed that his Expectations of a peace had been such that he had anticipated the Event by very early commencing his preparations to withdraw the British Troops from this Country—and that every preparation which his situation & circumstances would permit was still continued—That an additional Number of Transports, and which were expected, were necessary to remove the Troops & Stores—and as it was impossible to ascertain the Time when the Transports would arrive, their passage depending on the casualties of the Seas, he was there unable to fix a determinate period within which the British forces would be withdrawn from the City of New York—But that it was his desire to exceed even our own Wishes in this Respect, & That he was using every means in his power to effect with all possible despatch an Evacuation of that & every other post within the United States, occupied by the British Troops, under his Direction—That he considered as included in the preparations for the final Departure of the B. Troops, the previously sending away those persons, who supposed that, from the part they had taken in the present War, it would be most eligible for them to leave the Country—and that upwards of 6,000 persons of this Character had embarked & sailed—and that in this Embarkation a Number of Negroes were comprised—General Washington therefore express his Surprize, that after what appeared to him an express Stipulation to the contrary[Pg 417] in the Treaty, Negroes the property of the Inhabitants of these States should be sent off.

"To which Sir: Guy Carleton replied, that he wished to be considered as giving no construction of the Treaty—That by Property in the Treaty might only be intended Property at the Time, the Negroes were sent off—That there was a difference in the Mode of Expression in the Treaty; Archives, Papers, &c., &c., were to be restored—Negroes & other property were only not to be destroyed or carried away. But he principally insisted that he conceived it could not have been the Intention of the B. Government by the Treaty of Peace, to reduce themselves to the necessity of violating their faith to the Negroes who came into the British Lines under the proclamation of his Predecessors in Command—That he forebore to express his sentiments on the propriety of those proclamations, but that delivering up the Negroes to their former Masters would be delivering then up some possible to Execution, and others to severe punishments, which in his Opinion would be a dishonorable violation of the public Faith, pledged to the Negroes in the proclamations—That if the sending off the Negroes should hereafter be declared in Infraction of the Treaty, Compensation must be made by the Crown of G. Britain to the Owners—that he had taken measures to provide for this, by directing a Register to be kept of all the Negroes who were sent off, specifying the Name, Age & Occupation of the person, and the Name, & Place of Residence of his former Master. Genl. Washington again observed that he conceived this Conduct on the part of Genl. Carleton, a Departure from both the Letter and Spirit of the Articles of Peace;—and particularly mentioned a difficulty that would arise in compensating the proprietors of Negroes, admitting this infraction of the Treaty can be satisfied by such a compensation as Sir Guy had alluded to, as it was impossible to ascertain the Value of the Slaves from any Fact or Circumstance which may appear in the Register,—the Value of a Slave consisting chiefly in his Industry and Sobriety—& Genl. Washington mentioned a further Difficulty which would attend Identifying the Slave, supposing him to have changed his own and to have given a wrong Name of his Master—In answer to which Sir Guy Carleton said, that as the Negroe was free & secured against his Master, he could have no inducement to conceal his own true Name or that of His Master—Sir Guy Carleton then observed that by the Treaty he was not held to deliver up any property but was only restricted[Pg 418] from carrying it way—and therefore admitting the interpretation of the Treaty as given by Genl. Washington to be just, he was notwithstanding pursuing a Measure which would operate most for the security of the proprietors. For if the Negroes were left to themselves without Care of Controul from him, numbers of them would very probably go off, and not return to the parts of the Country from whence they came, or clandestinely get on Board the Transports in such a manner as would not be in his Power to prevent—in either of which Cases an inevitable Loss would ensue to the proprietors—But as the Business was now conducted they had at least a Chance for Compensation—Sir Guy concluded the Conversation on this subject by saying that he Imagined that the mode of Compensating as well as the Amount and other points with respect to which there was no provision made in the Treaty, must be adjusted by the Commissioners to be hereafter appointed by the two Nations."[522]

Washington admitted that slavery was wrong but he never did much to curb its growing power, contenting himself with a deprecation much like this expressed in the letter to Lafayette, April 5, 1783.

"The scheme, my dear Marqs., which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people of this Country from that state of Bondage in wch. they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your Heart. I shall be happy to join in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till I have had the pleasure of seeing you."[523]

In 1786 Washington wrote the Marquis:

"The benevolence of your heart, my dear Marquis, is so conspicuous on all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh proofs of it; but your late purchase of an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally, into the minds of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slave afloat at once would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and[Pg 419] mischief, but by degrees it certainly might and assuredly ought to be effected; and that too by legislative authority."[524]

Addressing Robert Morris in 1786, Washington said:

"I hope that it will not be conceived, from these observations, that it is my wish to hold the unhappy people who are the subject of this letter, in slavery. I can only say that there is not a man living who wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a plan adopted for the abolition of it; but there is only one proper and effectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is by legislative authority; and this, as far as my suffrage will go, shall never be wanting."[525]

Although not an active abolitionist Washington did not believe in the slave traffic, as this part of his letter to John Mercer in 1786 will show:

"I never mean, unless some particular circumstance should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes to see some plan adopted, by which slavery in the country may be abolished by law."[526]

In 1799 he wrote Robert Lewis:

"It is demonstratively clear, that on this Estate (Mount Vernon) I have more working negroes by a full moiety, than can be employed to any adventage in the farming system, and I shall never turn Planter thereon.

"To sell the overplus I cannot, because I am principled against this kind of traffic in the human species. To hire them out, is almost as bad, because they could not be disposed of in families to any advantage, and to disperse the families I have an aversion. What then is to be done? Something must or I shall be ruined; for all the money (in addition to what I raise by crops, and rents) that have been received for Lands, sold within the last four years, to the amount of Fifty thousand dollars, has scarcely been able to keep me afloat.

"Under these circumstances and a thorough conviction that half the workers I keep on this Estate would render me a greater nett profit than I now derive from the whole, has made me resolve if it can be accomplished, to settle Plantations on some of my other[Pg 420] Lands. But where? without going to the Western Country, I am unable, as yet to decide; as the best, if not all the Land I have on the East side of the Aleghanies are under Leases, or some kind of incumbrance or another. But as you can give me the correct information relative to this matter, I now early apply for it."[527]

The best evidence as to what Washington thought of the Negro may be obtained from his treatment of his slaves, as brought out by the following clauses from his will.

"Item—Upon the decease of my wife it is my will and desire, that all the slaves which I hold in my own right shall receive their freedom—To emancipate them during her life, would tho earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriages with the Dower negroes as to excite the most painful sensations—if not disagreeable consequences from the latter while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor, it not being in my power under tenure by which the dower Negroes are held to manumit them—And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this devise there may be some who from old age, or bodily infirmities & others who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first and second description shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live and (3) that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or if living are unable, or unwilling to provide for them, shall be bound by the Court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty five years, and in cases where no record can be produced whereby their ages can be ascertained, the Judgment of the Court upon it's own view of the subject shall be adequate and final—The negroes thus bound are (by their masters and mistresses) to be taught to read and write and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to the laws of the commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphans and other poor children—and I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth of any Slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence, whatsoever—and I do moreover most positively, and solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivors of them to see that this clause respecting slaves and every part thereof be religiously fulfilled at the Epoch at which it is directed to take place without evasion[Pg 421] neglect or delay after the crops which may then be on the ground are harvested, particularly as it respects (4) the aged and infirm, seeing that a regular and permanent fund be established for their support so long as there are subjects requiring it, not trusting to the uncertain provisions to be made by individuals.—And to my mulatto man, William (calling himself William Lee) I give immediate freedom or if he should prefer it (on account of the accidents which have befallen him and which have rendered him incapable of walking or of any active employment)[528] to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so—In either case however I allow him an annuity of thirty dollars during his natural life which shall be independent of the victuals and cloaths he has been accustomed to receive; if he chuses the last alternative, but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first, and this I give him as a testimony of my sense of his attachment to me and for his services during the Revolutionary War.[Pg 422][529]

"Item—The balance due to me from the Estate of Bartholomew Dandridge deceased, (my wife's brother) and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to Four hundred and twenty-five pounds (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son John Dandridge, who was the Executor of his father's will) I release and acquit from the payment thereof,—And the negros (then thirty three in number) formerly belonging to the said Estate who were taken in Execution,—sold—and purchased in, on my account in the year (1795?) and ever since have remained in the possession and to the use of Mary, widow of the said Bartholomew Dandridge with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire or making (13) compensation for the same for the time past or to come during her natural life, at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards shall receive their freedom, all under that age and above sixteen shall serve seven years and no longer, and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twenty-five years of age and then be free.—And to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negros they are to be taken to the Court of the County in which they reside and the judgment thereof in this relation shall be final and a record thereof made, which may be adduced as evidence at any time thereafter if disputes should arise concerning the same.—And I further direct that the heirs of the said Bartholomew Dandridge shall equally share the benefits arising from the services of the said negros according to the tenor of this devise upon the decease of their mother."

[Pg 423]

Petition for Compensation for the Loss of Slaves by Emancipation in the Danish West Indies[530]

We, the undersigned, inhabitants of the West India Islands St. Thomas and St. John, beg leave most respectfully to present to the Rigsdag of Denmark, this Petition, praying that just and equitable compensation may be granted us for the loss we have sustained in our property, in consequence of the ordinance of the Governor General, bearing date 3d July, 1848, by which he took upon himself to abolish Negro Slavery in the Danish Colonies, and which act received the Royal sanction on the 22d September of the same year.

If, notwithstanding the heavy loss thus sustained, we have hitherto been silent, it should be attributed to the hope we had entertained, that the government, without being called upon to do so, would have taken steps to obtain compensation for us; and to the sentiments of sympathy with which we beheld the struggle of the mother country in the trying situation in which the revolt of the Duchies, and war with many powerful enemies had placed her, a struggle which required all her resources, both intellectual and material, of which she could dispose; and thus it would have been inopportune had we at that time obtruded ourselves on the notice of the government. But now, that the clouds which obscured the political horizon have been dissipated, now, that a glorious war is concluded, and peace sheds its blessings over Denmark, we can no longer defer our just demand for compensation, lest our silence should be construed into acquiescence with the act, by which we have been despoiled of our property, or interpreted as an abandonment of our claims. We had as good a title of property to our negroes, as to our land, houses, or any other property we possess; this right was established not only by law, but the government had moreover ever encouraged the subjects to acquire such property as being advantageous to the state. For this purpose the government granted loans to the colonists upon reduced interest from the so dominated "negro loan." The government bought and sold such property, took it in mortgage, levied[Pg 424] duties upon their importation, and imposed a yearly capitation tax, consequently not a shadow of doubt could exist of the legality of such property; and if it was a fault to become possessors of such property, it must be laid to the charge of the government which had fostered and encouraged it. The highest tribunal of the land, the King's High Court, acknowledged this right in its fullest sense, so that a negro slave, even on the free soil of Denmark, continued to be the property of his master so thoroughly, that the latter in direct opposition to the slave's will, could oblige him to return to the West Indies. That the negro's ability to work, and personal qualities, enhanced his value, is a fact too palpable to stand in need of proof; the numberless legal appraisements upon oath, the sales which took place daily between man and man, as well as the normal value, which according to the Ordinance of the first of May, 1840, was determined every year by the government, after a previous hearing of the Burgher Council, and the respective authorities, render this matter incontestable.

This ordinance admits the owner's right to full compensation, for only on condition of paying the full value of the services which the master could have from the slave, had the slave the right to demand his freedom; but without such remuneration, his master could not be deprived of him.

The forementioned ordinance, the common law, and in particular the eighty-seventh section of the constitution, lay down as an invariable rule, that no subject can be compelled to cede his property, unless the general good of the commonwealth requires it, and then only on receiving full compensation.

Those civilized nations in whose colonies slavery has been abolished, have neither raised any question nor doubt as to the legality of the principle of compensation. Thus England, France and Sweden have granted compensation. The first £ 25 12 2 sterling at an average per head; the second 490 francs per head, which is, however, considered but part of the whole sum; and the third in the following manner: first class, under fifteen years, $80 per head, second class, from fifteen to sixty years, $240 per head; third class, over sixty years, $40 per head.

With regard to emancipation without compensation, the following language was held to the King of Sweden: "Your most gracious Majesty, in your high wisdom, will never allow such violation of justice as emancipation without compensation would be; such a thing has never anywhere occurred."[Pg 425]

The Dutch government has declared that it will not abolish slavery without indemnifying the owners, and for this reason it has not given any formal sanction to the liberty which the Dutch governor of St. Martin's (with the consent of the planters) found himself compelled to concede to the negroes, when emancipation was proclaimed in the French part of the same island, but left matters in statu quo. Once, however, there existed an instance of emancipation without compensation. The National Convention of France, in the year 1793, did, disregarding the sacred rights of property, proclaim the abolition of slavery; but ten years afterwards, on the 28th of May, 1802, that act was declared by the corps legislatif, to be an act of spoliation, and as such illegal; consequently slavery was re-established by decree of the First Consul, and continued for half a century, and would in all probability be still in full vigor, at least for some time, had it not been for the revolution of February. For us, we have the most implicit reliance on the honor of the Danish Government, and the Danish people, and we feel persuaded that they will not follow the example of the National Convention. In Denmark, love of justice and respect for the sacredness of the rights of property are too deeply implanted in the soil to be easily rooted out. The proverbial honesty of Denmark is as firm as the courage, loyalty, and gallantry of which her sons have so lately given such signal proof.

The Rigsdag of Denmark will not on account of the burden, shrink from the demands of justice; it will not allow it to be said that it refused to satisfy a claim, the justness of which has never been doubted by any civilized nation, nor will it suffer a number of its fellow citizens to be illegally bereft of their property without compensation. The Rigsdag of Denmark will not leave it in the power of the world to say, that it was liberal at the expense of others, or that it denied compensation to the weak, because they had only the right, but not the power to enforce it. In reviewing the means that present themselves, the burden will not be so considerable or so heavy, when we take into consideration that the state possesses many plantations, in respect of which to their former complement of slaves, there will of course be no question of compensation, and that it also holds mortgages on many properties, where the compensation can be written off, without any real loss in many cases; on the other hand, the realm, by fulfilling its duty in settling a lawful claim, will gain by the disbursement of the compensation, which will as may reasonably be expected, not alone[Pg 426] increase the prosperity of the colonies, but their inhabitants will attach themselves more closely to Denmark.

We do not entertain any doubt but that the Rigsdag will grant us the compensation to which we have the most incontestable right, and which cannot be controverted by such futile arguments, as, that the owners have lost nothing by the government depriving them of their property, as the stock of labor is the same, and to be had for an equitable hire. If it even in reality were the case, that the expenses were not greater, and the work not less than before the emancipation, while, alas! the contrary is the case, it would, nevertheless, be a species of argument in itself contrary to common sense, in a degree, that it would scarcely require any refutation at the bar of the enlightened Rigsdag, as it might with just as much reason be said, that all the rest of the property of people could be taken away whenever the government managed matters in such a way, that the properties could be rented at so moderate a rate, that the expenses did not exceed, what those of the keeping of the property yearly had amounted to. It will be clearly evident that the owner notwithstanding, loses his essential rights, for the property would no longer be at his disposal, or under his control, he would be dependent upon others not only as to renting of that kind of property of which he had formerly been possessed, but he would not be able to sell, mortgage, or dispose of it in any manner whatever, either in favor of himself, his children, or other heirs; in short, property would to him, entirely lose its money value, and the capital vested in it would be sunk as is now the case with us. Many a slave owner derived his living from the yearly income which the hire of his slaves produced, but now the state has bereft him of his property, and hurled him, widows and orphans into the most abject poverty and misery, while that act, as yet without compensation, has more or less generally affected those who possessed that class of property, and in numberless instances produced pecuniary embarrassment; while the slave owners who are proprietors of plantations have not alone lost the capital invested in their slaves, but the subversion of the ancient normal order in the colonies, but in addition thereto, they are exposed to the imminent risk of seeing their estates, buildings, and fabrics eventually reduced to no value whatever. Most assuredly the circumstances which precede the emancipation, cannot be brought forward in support of the necessity thereof. Such a delusion cannot hold good. It is notorious that the so called insurrection which was begun in the[Pg 427] jurisdiction of Fredericksted, at St. Croix on the 3d of July, 1848, would have been put down, if the forces, although reduced as they had been, had been called out and made use of by the government of that island. This is borne out by the sentence of 5th of February, in this year, rendered against the governor-general by the commission, which sentence expressly states that the declaration of emancipation partly originated in a desire to procure the treasury an exemption from compensation, or what is the same thing, it was intended to serve as a means to deprive the proprietors of their lawful rights. Furthermore, it is quite evident, that even the most trifling commotion would not have occurred, if the Captain-General of Puerto Rico's offer of assistance on perceiving the impending dangers had been accepted. Neither is it less certain that the normal order could have been re-established subsequently. His Majesty's government by presenting to royal assent the emancipation of the negro slaves, which the governor-general had taken upon himself to grant, has adopted the act as its own. It has also from the very beginning been considered that the insurrection could not be viewed as sufficient foundation for the act. This is clearly to be seen from the wording of the royal mandate on which the emancipation is made a concession "to the lively" wishes of the negroes. That his late Majesty King Christian VIII., of glorious and blessed memory, had by rescript of 28th July 1847, given freedom to all children born of slaves in the Danish West India possessions, and at the same time ordained that slavery should finally cease in twelve years, cannot be pleaded as a reason that proprietors of slaves are to sustain loss and receive no compensation, for the question remained open, and had been only glanced at by said rescript. It is much to be lamented that the emancipation in the manner it took place, and with the circumstances with which it was accompanied, induced the slave population, although erroneously, to believe that they had overawed the government, and to receive the emancipation not as boon, but rather as a trophy. The bad impression which such a management of matters has caused, will ever remain, and render the march of administration difficult, for defiance has taken the place which only should have been ceded to gratitude. It ought here to be observed that a succession of ordinances had gradually loosed the ties which existed between the master and the slave. What heretofore had been esteemed as a favor on the master's part, was by law converted into an obligation, and the slave was not only rendered[Pg 428] more and more independent of his master, but his sentiments of attachment to him were destroyed. Thus the law made it obligatory on the master to cede a negro his freedom when he could pay his full value; a favor which hardly any one had thought of refusing; thus the law bound the master to give his slaves certain little extras for Christmas, a favor which no one had thought of denying, and thus the law compelled the planter to give his negroes the Saturday free; a boon, which hitherto frequently had been granted as a recompense for diligent work during the week. But from the moment that the law converted into an obligation, that which hitherto had been received as a favor, indifference usurped the place of gratitude. Thus, by consecutive innovations, the state of things became precarious, the relations insecure, impatience sprung up, and the seeds of the tumultuous scenes which ensued and served as a pretext for emancipation, were sown. Here we must observe, that though it were admitted that the pretended insurrection at St. Croix rendered emancipation an act of necessity, it cannot, at all events, in any manner be cited with regard to St. Thomas or St. John, where no kind of disturbance existed among the slave population, Thus, entertaining the intimate conviction that our right to compensation is as conformable to reason, as it ought to be sacred and inviolable, and in solemnly protesting against our being bereft of our property without full compensation, we submit this our representation to the Rigsdag of Denmark, with the most unlimited confidence in its justice. We have the consoling hope and encouraging persuasion that the representatives of a people who, by the bill of indemnity of 30th June, 1850, have gone ahead of, and set a brilliant example to other nations, by the acknowledgment of the principle of equity, that "all citizens ought equally to share the losses which the scourge of war had brought upon individuals," will not deny a principle of justice, which every European nation has hitherto not neglected to comply with towards its colonies.

St. Thomas and St. John, June, 1851.

To the Rigsdag of Denmark.

[Pg 429]

An Extract from the Will of Robert Pleasants Dated February 6, 1800, and Admitted to Probate in Henrico County, Virginia, April 6, 1801

"From a full conviction that slavery is an evil of great magnitude and no less repugnant to the Divine command of doing to others as we would they should do unto us that it is inconsistent with the true interest and prosperity of my country, I did confirm freedom to all the Negroes that by law, I had property in by a Deed of Emancipation bearing date the first of the 8th month, 1782, duly acknowledged and admitted to record in the Clerk's office of Henrico County, three boys excepted names Moses, Nat and James, who at that time lived with their mothers in Goochland County and were forgotten but have since been emancipated, but as it is still necessary that those who are ancient and incapable of getting a living (being over forty-five years of age at the time of emancipation) should be supported, I now desire and direct it to be done and that the young ones may have learning sufficient to enable them to transact the common affairs of life for that purpose I have had a Schoolhouse put on my land called Gravely hills tract containing by estimation 350 acres the use and profits whereof I give for that purpose forever, or so long as the Monthly Meeting of Friends in this County may think it necessary for the benefit of the children and descendants of those who have been emancipated by me, or other black children whom they may think proper to admit; reserving only to my heirs hereafter named the priviledge of cutting timber occasionally for building, of which there appears to be more than perhaps may ever be necessary for the use of the School and the Tenants who are now on it, or hereafter may settle thereon and reserving also a privilege for my old servant Philip and his Wife Dilcy to settle on and occupy such part thereof as they may choose (not interfering with the school) during their natural lives, they not committing Waste or taking others to work the land under colour of this gift except it should be necessary for their support reserving also to the women Effee, Sarah, Dilcy and Elcy to continue or live on rent free during their natural lives on the same conditions or restrictions expressed in my grant to Philip[Pg 430] and Dilcy and I further direct that in case those of my heirs who may claim a right to the service of the young blacks under this will should neglect or refuse to give them learning either at the above mentioned School or by some other way or means, I hereby declare them free one year before their time of servitude expires and to be sent to school at the expense of my estate for that time. And Whereas a suit was instituted several years ago in my name as the Heir at Law of my Father and only acting executor to him and my Brother Jonathan Pleasants for the relief of a number of Negroes by them directed to be free at a certain age, but wrongfully held in Bondage which suit was lately determined in their favor, but considering that many of them have been brought up in ignorance and may need the care, advice and perhaps assistance too of friends I do request my beloved friends to be nominated Executors by this Will to extend such care towards them as the nature of the case may call for or require."

[Pg 431]

Proceedings of a Reconstruction Meeting[531]

On April 19, 1867, a general meeting of the citizens of Mobile was held relative to the new measures of reconstruction. Among the vice-presidents were men of all classes and color—as civil judges, bishops, clergy, physicians, citizens, etc., etc., of whom five were colored men. The only colored speaker on the occasion said:

"Fellow-Citizens: I feel my incapacity to-night to speak, after hearing the eloquence of those preceding me. I received an invitation from the white citizens of Mobile to speak for the purpose of reconciling our races—the black to the white—to extend the hand of fellowship. You have heard the resolutions. You are with us, and I believe are sincere in what they promise. It is my duty to accept the offer of reconstruction when it is extended in behalf of peace to our common country. Let us remove the past from our bosoms, and reconcile ourselves and positions together. I am certain that my race cannot be satisfied unless granted all the rights allowed by the law and by that flag. The resolutions read to you to-night guarantee every thing. Can you expect any more? If you do, I would like to know where you are going to get it. I am delighted in placing myself upon this platform, and in doing this I am doing my duty to my God and my country. We want to do what is right. We believe white men will also do what is right."

The next speaker was a late Confederate officer during the war. He said:

"It is the first time for seven long years that we sit—and at first we sat with diffidence—under the 'old flag' and I connot deny that my feelings are rather of a strange nature. Looking back to the past, I remembered the day (the 10th day of January, 1861) when I hauled down that flag from its proud staff in Fort St. Philip, and thought then that another flag would soon spread its ample folds over the Southern soil.

"But that flag is no more. It has gone down in a cloud of glory—no more to float even over the deserted graves of our departed heroes—one more of the bright constellations in the broad canopy of that firmament where great warriors are made demigods.

"But I did not come here to-night to tell you, men of Alabama,[Pg 432] that my heart was with you—for you well know that as far as that heart can go, it never will cease beating for what is held dear and sacred to you. But I came here to speak to those of our new fellow-citizens, who are not seeking the light of truth.

"It is said that two races now stand in open antagonism to each other—that the colored man is the natural enemy of the white man, and, hereafter, no communion of interests, feelings and past associations, can fill the gulf which divides them.

"But who is it that says so? Is it the Federal soldier who fought for the freedom of that race? Is it even the political leader whose eloquence stirred up the North and West to the rescue of that race? No; it is none of these. It is not even the intelligent and educated men of that class, for I now stand on the very spot where one of them, Mr. Trenier, disclaimed those disorganizing principles, and eloquently vindicated the cause of truth and reason.

"Why, then, should there be any strife between us? Why should not our gods be their gods—our happiness be their happiness? Has anything happened which should break up concert of action, harmony, and concord in the great—the main objects of life—the pursuit of happiness?

"Where can that happiness spring from? Is it from the midst of a community divided against itself, or from one blessed with peace and harmony?

"In what particular have our relations changed? In what case have our interests in the general welfare been divided? Is not today the colored man as essential to our prosperity as he was before?

"Is not our soil calling for the energetic efforts of his sinewy arms? Can we, in fact, live without him? But while we want his labor he wants our lands, our capital, our industry, our influence in the commerce and finances of the world.

"And if, coming down from those higher functions in society, we descend to our domestic relations, where do we find that those relations are changed?

"Does not the intelligent freedman know that neither he nor we are accountable to God for the condition in which we were respectively born?

"Does he not know that, for generations past, the institution of slavery had been forced upon us by the avarice, the love of power of the North? Does he not know that to-day we have in him the same implicit faith and reliance we had before?"[532]

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[Pg 433]